René González of the Cuban Five on Cuba, imperialism, and internationalism

Interview conducted by Tyson R. Strandlund and edited for clarity.

On a scorching hot day in Havana, after a two-hour drive, we arrived at an unassuming house where Diana Castillo of the Union of Young Communists (UJC) international relations department was waiting for us out front. The UJC is the counterpart of the YCL in Cuba, and we had met Diana nearly three weeks earlier during a presentation she gave to the Che Guevara Volunteer Work Brigade, which is an initiative of the Canadian Network on Cuba. Diana had graciously arranged for us to meet with one of the Cuban Five, René González, to interview him about his time in Africa as a fighter for Angolan independence from fascist Portugal’s colonial rule. The interview was filmed for the purpose of an upcoming documentary on the significance of Marxism to the anti-colonial national liberation movements, produced by the Centre for Socialist Education based in Vancouver. René greeted us warmly and invited us into his home, where we were extremely grateful to drink some cool glasses of water, then took us to his back porch where the interview began. 

Rebel Youth (RY): To start off, please tell us your name and anything about yourself you’d like us to know.

René González (RG): Well, my name is René González. I’m a Cuban revolutionary who was born in the U.S. in 1956. My parents brought me to Cuba when I was five, in October 1961. Right after arrival, they joined the young revolution that was developing in Cuba. So, I can say that I grew up in a revolutionary environment both through my school and through my home. Very young, I did like all the youth in Cuba did, which was to defend the revolution in the face of imperialist aggression, which started right after the revolution came to power, and that was my upbringing. All that I’ve done is try to defend the revolution. It is my main vocation to be a revolutionary, and my second vocation is to be a pilot. I became a pilot in 1982. As a pilot, I was sent to Miami in 1990 to infiltrate some of the terrorist groups which back then would commit acts of aggression and terrorism against Cuba. As a result of that, I was captured by the FBI in 1998 and went to prison for 13 years, until I was released and was able to come back to the island. 

I went to Angola in March 1977. I was there until March 1979. Back then, I was a tank operator, so I went to Angola as a tank gunner and I was located in Cabinda.

RY: What did it mean to you to be fighting in Africa alongside Angolans?

RG: Well, I believe it was part of a general mood here in Cuba. The revolution is a process that changes the life and the thinking of people very fast. When it comes to my experience and my parents’ experience, I believe that defending the revolution from U.S. aggression instilled in us a level of consciousness that allowed us to connect colonialism as a byproduct of imperialism. For us, it was a natural thing to go to Angola to fight colonialism, because we understood colonialism as the material support to imperialism and to the development of the consumption of societies that are sold to us as the model of living. So, back then, I was very proud. When I landed in Angola — the pride of being there, it was an interesting experience. I had been living on an island I had memorized, and all of a sudden one night I faced that immense continent. When I touched Angolan soil, I felt a strange feeling of “this is a big place!” — but at the same time, I was very proud to follow the steps of Che Guevara and of so many Cubans who had been there before, defending the African peoples against that extreme exploitation and against colonialism and racism which resulted from that way of living. 

RY: Cuba is of course a small country and was engaged in its own struggle against imperialism. Why exactly did Cuba send aid to Angola, and what did Cuba hope to gain? 

RG: We understand that the defence of socialism, in Cuba or anywhere else, is tied to the struggle against exploitation anywhere. I believe that is the basis of our internationalist policies. You cannot aspire to defend yourself alone against such terrific forces that own the world without connecting that struggle that you are fighting with some other people who have the same needs and the same interests. So, for us it’s a natural thing to help anybody who is fighting imperialism and anybody who is victimized by imperialism. Since the very beginning of the revolution, speaking about Africa, we sent doctors to Algeria in 1963, and different detachments of Cubans went to different countries to fight colonialism because we understand that, if you want to build a world of peace and justice, you have to fight imperialism in every trench, everywhere. Besides the basic instinct of helping people who are in need, who are living in extreme misery because they are being exploited by imperialist forces that are committing aggression against yourself, looking at it from a strategic standpoint, you have to fight imperialism everywhere if you want to be able to withstand their capacity to control the world and to apply their power to everybody. 

RY: Do you know how many soldiers Cuba sent? 

RG: In total it was about 300,000. At one point, I remember, it was 50,000 at the end of the war when the last offensive against South Africa was launched to finish up the war. But altogether it was about 300,000 to 360,000, I believe, and around 2,000 dead.

RY: Did you have any contact with soldiers from South Africa?

RG: No, because I was in Cabinda… and South Africa was very, very far away to the south, so I didn’t have any contact with them. We had some contact with the population in Cabinda. It was very telling to see the misery, how humble they were — they struck me by their humbleness, by what good people they were. At the same time, to see their living conditions, which were terrible — it made me see what colonialism meant for millions of people in Africa.

RY: What about other allied countries? Was there anyone there from the DPRK or the Soviet Union?

RG: Not in the place that I was at. Those people back then were in the southern part of the country, where the defence lines against South Africa were established. My only contact was with the population and with some Angolan army detachments who worked together with us there. I remember I was in the tank battalion, but the air defence was made up of Angolan soldiers, and we had very good relations with them. We shared very good times with those Angolans. There was a great camaraderie between us. We were together all the time. We shared almost the same space. They were very nice people — happy, always smiling, and very grateful to the Cubans. They would say that the first time they were treated as human beings was when the Cubans were there, and it was very touching for me.

RY: That’s incredible. That said, how significant do you consider the liberation of Angola to the broader history of decolonization in Africa and elsewhere? 

RG: I can compare Angola, probably, with the French Revolution, but in Africa. It changed the whole continent. I believe it set a new destiny for Angola, and not only for Angola. It brought about the independence of Namibia and an end to apartheid in South Africa. So, the impact of the fight in Angola can’t be underestimated at all. It had an impact in all Sub-Saharan Africa, and as a matter of fact, I believe it was probably the last nail in the coffin of colonialism in Africa too. The impact that a small country like Cuba had on African history shows that when you have the right reasons and you do the right thing and you march together with history, you can do great things. 

RY: You described it as the last nail in the coffin, but do you think the fight against colonialism and neocolonialism is over, or is there more to be done? 

RG: I believe it won’t be over until imperialism disappears. As a matter of fact, we have a colonialist enterprise right in front of us every day in Palestine, and the world just turns their heads the other way and doesn’t look, and doesn’t want to accept them. But that’s a colonial enterprise. Colonialism is essential to imperialism. They need to extract surplus value from people wherever they can find it, and colonialism is a way of doing it. As long as imperialism is alive, we’re going to be facing colonialism here and there. 

RY: What lessons do you think we can take today from Cuba’s solidarity with Angola? What would you tell people in Canada?

RG: I can say that solidarity is the only way. I cannot understand how some people accept the notion that by trying to be selfish, individualistic, egotistic, you can build a possible world — not even a better world, a possible world. The only way for humanity is to care for each other. The only way to build a rational, humane society is through solidarity, through feeling the pain of others as your pain and understanding that nobody is alone here. We are all together on the same planet, and if we don’t instill solidarity and love among the people, I’m sad to say that probably we as a species are doomed to failure. 

RY: So you see the construction of socialism in Cuba and the internationalist aid to countries like Angola as linked. 

RG: Of course. All our struggles are linked. Slavery was built here, but slaves were brought from Africa. For many centuries, our destinies have been intertwined, and it hasn’t changed at all. The way the people are exploited has changed, but our destiny has remained the same. It is to be able to build our own future without interference and without being exploited at the will of others. 

RY: Why do the U.S. and other imperialist countries impose such conditions on Angola and elsewhere? 

RG: How do you build such an opulent society without extracting as much surplus value from other places as you can? That’s the only way. Whenever you see somebody exploiting some other people’s labour, you’re going to see that somebody is supported by the U.S. and by imperialism — whether they do it through “democratic” means, through fascism, through dictators, through whatever means. In this conflict between labour and capital, the U.S. is going to be always on the side of capital. That’s what they thrive off, and they can’t live another way. And that’s why they’re so dangerous.

We had some other questions for René about Cuba, but for that you’ll have to be patient and keep an eye out for our documentary! A special thanks to René and Diana for their time and assistance!